Congressional Record: January 28, 2004 (Senate)
Page S308-S309
UNANIMOUS CONSENT REQUEST--S. 1691
Mr. FEINGOLD. Mr. President, I want to speak today about S. 1691, the
Wartime Treatment Study Act. During World War II, the United States
fought a courageous battle against the spread of Nazism and fascism.
Nazi Germany was engaged in the horrific persecution and genocide of
Jews. By the end of the war, 6 million Jews had perished at the hands
of Nazi Germany.
The Allied victory in the Second World War was an American triumph, a
triumph for freedom, justice, and human rights. The courage displayed
by so many Americans, of all ethnic origins, should be a source of
great pride for all Americans. But we should not let that justifiable
pride in our Nation's triumph blind us to the treatment of some
Americans by their own government.
Sadly, as so many brave Americans fought against enemies in Europe
and the Pacific, the U.S. Government was in some cases curtailing the
freedom of some of its own people here, at home. While, it is, of
course, the right of every Nation to protect itself during wartime, the
U.S. Government can and should respect the basic freedoms that so many
Americans have given their lives to defend. Of course, war tests our
principles and our values. And as our Nation's recent experience has
shown, it is during times of war and conflict, when our fears are high
and our principles are tested most, that we must be even more vigilant
to guard against violations of the Constitution.
Many Americans are aware of the fact that, during World War II, under
the authority of Executive Order 9066, our Government forced more than
100,000 ethnic Japanese from their homes into internment camps.
Japanese Americans were forced to leave their homes, their livelihoods,
and their communities. They were held behind barbed wire and military
guard by their own government.
Through the work of the Commission on Wartime Relocation and
Internment of Civilians created by Congress in 1980, this unfortunate
episode in our history finally received the official acknowledgement
and condemnation it deserved. Under the Civil Liberties Act of 1988,
people of Japanese ancestry who were subjected to relocation or
internment later received an apology and reparations on behalf of the
people of the United States.
While I commend Congress and our Nation for finally recognizing and
apologizing for the mistreatment of Japanese Americans during World War
II, our work in this area is not done. We should also acknowledge the
mistreatment experienced by many German Americans, Italian Americans,
and European Latin Americans, as well as Jewish refugees.
Most Americans are probably unaware that during World War II, the
U.S. Government designated more than 600,000 Italian-born and 300,000
German-born U.S. resident aliens and their families as ``enemy
aliens.''
Approximately 11,000 ethnic Germans, 3,200 ethnic Italians, and
scores of Bulgarians, Hungarians, Romanians or other European Americans
living in America were taken from their homes and placed in internment
camps. Some even remained interned for up to 3 years after the war
ended. Unknown numbers of German Americans, Italian Americans, and
other Europeans Americans had their property confiscated or their
travel restricted, or lived under curfews.
S. 1691 would not grant reparations to victims. It would simply
create a commission to review the facts and circumstances of the U.S.
Government's treatment of German Americans, Italian Americans and other
European Americans during World War II.
A second commission created by this bill would review the treatment
by the U.S. Government of Jewish refugees who were fleeing Nazi
persecution and genocide. German and Austrian Jews applied for visas,
but the United States severely limited their entry due to strict
immigration policies, policies that many believe were motivated by fear
that our enemies would send spies under the guise of refugees and by
the unfortunate anti-foreigner and anti-Semitic attitudes that were,
sadly, all too common at that time.
It is time for the country to review the facts and determine how our
restrictive immigration policies failed to provide adequate safe harbor
to Jewish refugees fleeing the persecution of Nazi Germany. The United
States turned away thousands of refugees, delivering many to their
deaths at the hands of the Nazi regime.
As I mentioned earlier, there has been a measure of justice for
Japanese Americans who were denied their liberty and property. It is
now time for the U.S. Government to complete an accounting of this
period in our Nation's history.
Let me repeat that the bill I have introduced, along with Senator
Grassley, does not call for reparations. All it does is ensure that the
public has a full accounting of what happened. I believe that is the
right and, yes, the patriotic thing to do. It is patriotic to ensure
that the Government owns up to its mistakes. We should be very proud of
our victory over Nazism, as I certainly am. But we should not let that
pride cause us to overlook what happened to some Americans and refugees
during World War II. I urge my colleagues to join me in supporting the
Wartime Treatment Study Act.
The Judiciary Committee has reported this bill favorably. It has been
cleared by my Democratic colleagues. Unfortunately, someone on the
other side of the aisle has placed a hold on the bill. This anonymous
person or persons are unwilling to identify themselves or to explain
the reasons for the hold. I think some Republican colleagues have been
trying to figure out for me what the problems is. Frankly, I find it
hard to imagine why someone would object to a fairly straight-forward,
non-controversial bill such as this. So, Mr. President, I will try
again.
Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the Senate proceed to the
immediate consideration of Calendar No. 309, S. 1691, a bill to
establish commission, to review the facts and circumstances surrounding
injustices suffered by European Americans, European Latin Americans,
and Jewish Refugees during World War II, that the bill be read the
third time, passed, and the motion to reconsider be laid upon the
table; that the title amendment be agreed, with the above occurring
without intervening action or debate.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Is there objection?
Mr. GRAHAM of South Carolina. Mr. President, reserving the right to
object, I have been informed that our leadership is working on a method
for this proposal to move forward. I admire what the Senator is doing
on a personal basis. With that understanding, I object.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Objection is heard.
Mr. FEINGOLD. Mr. President, I know the Senator from South Carolina
was a supporter of this legislation in committee, and he is doing what
he must do in representing that side of the aisle.
I am disappointed that there is an objection to moving this bill. The
Judiciary Committee has now reported this bill favorably to the floor
on two occasions--last Congress and again this Congress. I would like
to know what their concerns are. So far, we have never heard a
substantive objection. There is a secret hold being used here. That is
unfortunate. This bill is long overdue. It is not controversial. In
fact, I specifically was promised by the chairman of the Judiciary
Committee late in the 106th Congress, when I was hoping the issue of
German Americans would be linked to a bill going through Congress on
Italian Americans. I was assured this was not controversial and
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this would be taken care of. Nonetheless, this has occurred. There is
no reason the Senate should not take up and consider this bill without
further delay.
Again, had the representative of the majority stayed, I would have
asked whether there was a time when they would expect to be ready for
action. I will find other ways to ask the other side to work with me to
pass the bill. I took the comments of the Senator from South Carolina
in good faith that he has spoken to the leadership and that they are
willing to work with us. I hope we can sit down and work this out as
soon as possible to ensure that the U.S. Government accounts for what
happened so many years ago.
Mr. President, I yield the floor and suggest the absence of a quorum.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The clerk will call the roll.
The assistant legislative clerk proceeded to call the roll.
Mrs. DOLE. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for
the quorum call be rescinded.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.
The Senator from North Carolina.
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