[Congressional Record: June 12, 2009 (House)]
[Page H6669-H6676]
COUNCIL ON AMERICAN-ISLAMIC RELATIONS--CAIR
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Under the Speaker's announced policy of
January 6, 2009, the gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Wolf) is recognized
for 60 minutes as the designee of the minority leader.
Mr. WOLF. Madam Speaker, as ranking member on the Commerce, Justice,
Science Appropriation Subcommittee, which last week considered the
fiscal year 2010 appropriations bill, I have a keen interest in and
oversight responsibility for a host of counterterrorism and related
initiatives.
The bill which is expected to come before the full House next week
includes $7.7 billion to support the work of the Federal Bureau of
Investigation, the FBI, whose top priorities include protecting and
defending the United States against terrorism and foreign intelligence
threats.
{time} 1315
The FBI was intimately involved in a 15-year investigation, which
culminated last fall in the Holy Land Foundation and five of its former
organizers being found guilty of illegally funneling more than $12
million to the terrorist group Hamas.
A Department of Justice press release issued May 27, 2009, reported,
``U.S. District Judge Jorge A. Solis sentenced the Holy Land Foundation
for Relief and Development and five of its leaders following their
convictions by a Federal jury in November 2008 on charges of providing
material support to Hamas, a designated foreign terrorist
organization.'' The sentences range from 15 years to 65 years in
prison.
According to the Department of Justice, ``From its inception, the
Holy Land Foundation existed to support Hamas. The government's case
included testimony that, in the early 1990s, Hamas' parent
organization, the Muslim Brotherhood, planned to establish a network of
organizations in the U.S. to spread a militant Islamist message and
raise money for Hamas. The defendants sent Holy Land Foundation-raised
funds to Hamas-controlled zakat committees and charitable societies
West Bank and Gaza.''
Among the unindicted conspirators in the case is an organization
which, over the last several years, has been granted access to the
highest levels of the U.S. Government--an organization which is
routinely elevated in the press as a voice of mainstream Muslim
Americans. This organization is the Council on American-Islamic
Relations, or CAIR.
Tawfik Hamid, according to his bio, is an ``Islamist thinker and
reformer and onetime Islamist extremist from Egypt. He was a member of
a terrorist Islamic organization, Jemaah Islamiyah, with Dr. Ayman al-
Zawahiri, who became later the second in command of al Qaeda.
On May 25 of 2007, in a Wall Street Journal op-ed, Hamid wrote the
following, ``In America, perhaps the most conspicuous organization to
persistently accuse opponents of Islamophobia is the Council of [sic]
American Islamic Relations.'' The observations of Mr. Tawfik, himself a
Muslim, are particularly relevant in light of recent news reports.
On January 30, 2009, Fox News reported that the FBI was ``severing
its once close ties with the Nation's largest Muslim advocacy group,
the Council on American-Islamic Relations, amid mounting evidence that
it has links to a support network for Hamas.''
Given that Hamas is on the current list of U.S.-designated foreign
terrorist organizations, this was obviously a serious claim and one
which, if true, would rightly inform a shift in FBI policy. However,
the Fox News piece left me with some unanswered questions, questions
which, given the seriousness of the report, necessitated further
inquiry. Such questions of the executive branch are a common
congressional practice and, in fact, are the responsibility of the
legislative branch of government and are the intended purpose of our
system of checks and balances.
For 6 years, from 2001-2006, I served as chairman of the
appropriations subcommittee which has oversight of the FBI. This year,
I resumed a leadership role as the lead Republican on the subcommittee.
According to the Congressional Research Service, ``Congressional
oversight refers to the review, monitoring and supervision of Federal
agencies, programs, activities, and policy implementation. It is an
integral part of the American system of checks and balances.''
[[Page H6670]]
A young Woodrow Wilson, before becoming President, put it this way.
He said, ``Quite as important as legislation is vigilant oversight of
administration.''
Needless to say, I take very seriously the responsibility of
congressional oversight, especially in matters with potential national
security implications. In this spirit of oversight, I wrote to the FBI
on February 2, seeking additional information and clarification
regarding the Bureau's decision about its relationship with CAIR.
For the Record, I submit a copy of the letter.
Congress of the United States,
House of Representatives,
Washington, DC, February 2, 2009.
Mr. Michael J. Heimbach,
Assistant Director, Counter Terrorism Division, Federal
Bureau of Investigation, Washington DC.
Dear Mr. Heimbach: I write regarding the bureau's position
on meeting with the Council on American Islamic Relations
(CAIR). Over the weekend I saw a FOX News report (enclosed)
that the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) has cut off
ties with CAIR ``amid mounting evidence that it has links to
a support network for Hamas.'' Given that Hamas is on the
current list of U.S. designated foreign terrorist
organizations, this is obviously a serious claim, one which
would rightly inform a shift in FBI policy.
In response to this report, I request answers to the
following questions:
Has the FBI severed ties with CAIR? If so, how is the FBI
planning to formally notify Members of Congress and other
government officials of this decision?
If FBI policy has changed with regard to CAIR, is there any
indication that this decision is being revisited by the new
administration? If so, what new evidence would justify a
change in course?
Is CAIR's national office still in contact with the FBI?
The report quotes Assistant Director John Miller from the
FBI Office of Public Affairs as saying: ``The FBI has had to
limit its formal contact with CAIR field offices until
certain issues are addressed by CAIR's national
headquarters.'' What specifically are the ``certain issues''
which you have raised with CAIR? Is there still informal
contact with any field offices? If so, what is the
distinction between formal and informal and why is there a
distinction between field offices?
To your knowledge, does CAIR receive financial
contributions from foreign sources? If so, which ones and how
much?
I look forward to your timely response, and to working with
you in the days ahead in my new role as ranking member of the
House Commerce-Justice-Science Appropriations subcommittee.
Best wishes.
Sincerely,
Frank R. Wolf,
Member of Congress.
The Fox News piece, which prompted my initial interest, quoted the
assistant director of the Office of Public Affairs at the Bureau as
saying, ``The FBI has had to limit its formal contact with CAIR field
offices until certain issues are addressed by CAIR's national
headquarters.''
I found this statement to be vague. While perhaps sufficient from a
public affairs vantage, I believed it to be an insufficient explanation
for Members of Congress, none of whom, to my knowledge, had been
informed of this policy shift, and it was just that--a policy shift.
The FOX piece noted later that the FBI has ``long been close to CAIR.
The agency has previously invited CAIR to give training sessions for
agents and used it as a liaison with the American Muslim community.''
I was one of several Members of Congress, both Democrat and
Republican, who wrote the Bureau in the days following this report.
Some, such as Republican Senator Jon Kyl of Arizona and Democratic
Senator Chuck Schumer of New York, voiced their support for the
Bureau's decision, which was a step further than my initial letter; but
they, too, desired to ``understand the situation more fully'' as
Senators Kyl and Schumer wrote.
When I received a response from the FBI on March 9, only 1 of the 10
questions I posed was answered, which prompted me to send a second
letter restating the original questions and pressing the FBI for a
timely and detailed response.
I submit a copy of that letter for the Record.
Congress of the United States,
House of Representatives,
Washington, DC, March 9, 2009.
Mr. Michael J. Heimbach,
Assistant Director, Counter Terrorism Division, Federal
Bureau of Investigation, Pennsylvania Ave., NW,
Washington DC.
Dear Mr. Heimbach: I was deeply disappointed with the FBI's
response--hand-delivered to my office last Friday--to my
letter of February 2 inquiring about the Bureau's position on
meeting with the Council on American Islamic Relations
(CAIR). It took the Bureau more than a month to respond, and
the letter I received provides only a partial answer to one
of the 10 questions I posed.
In 1998 I authored the legislation that created the
National Commission on Terrorism. Regrettably its
recommendations were not implemented until after the attacks
on 9/11. I take seriously the responsibility of congressional
oversight, especially in matters with potential national
security implications. For six years I served as chairman of
the appropriations subcommittee with jurisdiction over the
FBI and count myself among the Bureau's strongest supporters.
Having resumed a leadership role this year as ranking member
on the Commerce-Justice-Science Appropriations subcommittee,
it is important to me that the FBI provide timely and
detailed responses. And so again, I request answers to the
following straight-forward questions:
Has the FBI severed ties with CAIR? If so, how is the FBI
planning to formally notify Members of Congress and other
government officials of this decision?
If FBI policy has changed with regard to CAIR, is there any
indication that this decision is being revisited by the new
administration? If so, what new evidence would justify a
change in course?
Is CAIR's national office still in contact with the FBI?
The FOX News report I referenced in my original letter
quotes Assistant Director John Miller from the FBI Office of
Public Affairs as saying: ``The FBI has had to limit its
formal contact with CAIR field offices until certain issues
are addressed by CAIR's national headquarters.'' What
specifically are the ``certain issues'' which you have raised
with CAIR? Is there still informal contact with any field
offices? If so, what is the distinction between formal and
informal and why is there a distinction between field
offices?
To your knowledge, does CAIR receive financial
contributions from foreign sources? If so, which ones and how
much?
I would like these questions fully answered by this Friday,
March 13, and by someone who works on counter-terrorism,
rather than a public affairs officer. Other members of
Congress, both House and Senate, have expressed interest in
and additional information about the Bureau's position as it
relates to CAIR. I would think the Bureau would be
embarrassed to send the insufficient response I received.
Best wishes.
Sincerely,
Frank R. Wolf,
Member of Congress.
Days after my second letter, CAIR launched a public attack against
me, claiming in a March 12 press release that I ``abused'' my
``office'' by ``seeking to pressure the FBI to produce negative
information'' about the organization.
Those assertions are patently untrue and would not even warrant a
response were they not symptomatic of what I believe to be a larger
pattern of intimidation undertaken by CAIR--intimidation which is of
great consequence given the national security matters at stake.
As my letters to the FBI indicate, I was seeking to better understand
the Bureau's position and access information about what led to this
decision. It is a conclusion which--and I agree with my Senate
colleagues--is absolutely appropriate based on reports I have read for
years but which, again, marks a change in course for the Bureau and, as
such, deserved further explanation.
It is noteworthy that, on April 28, following my initial
unsatisfactory reply from the Bureau, Senator Kyl received a more
substantive response from the FBI to his letter. In the letter to
Senator Kyl, the Bureau was more detailed in explaining and in
validating the original news report regarding its relationship with
CAIR.
The letter reads, ``As you know, CAIR was named as an unindicted
coconspirator of the Holy Land Foundation for Relief and Development in
the United States v. Holy Land Foundation, et al.
``During that trial, evidence was introduced that demonstrated a
relationship among CAIR, individual CAIR founders, including its
current president emeritus and its executive director, and the
Palestinian committee. Evidence was also introduced that demonstrated a
relationship between the Palestinian committee and Hamas, which was
designated a terrorist organization in 1995. In light of that evidence,
the FBI suspended all formal contacts between CAIR and the FBI.
``The FBI's decision to suspend formal contacts was not intended to
reflect a wholesale judgment of the organization and its entire
membership. Nevertheless, until we can resolve
[[Page H6671]]
whether there continues to be a connection between CAIR or its
executives and Hamas, the FBI does not view CAIR as an appropriate
liaison partner.''
I submit a copy of the Bureau's response to Senator Kyl for the
Record.
U.S. Department of Justice,
Federal Bureau of Investigation,
Washington, DC, April 28, 2009.
Hon. Jon Kyl,
U.S. Senate,
Washington, DC.
Dear Senator Kyl: This responds to your letter to Director
Mueller dated February 24, 2009, regarding your interest in
reports that the FBI has severed its liaison relationship
with the Council on Islamic Relations (CAIR). I apologize for
the delay in responding to your inquiry. For your information
an identical letter has been sent to Senator Schumer and to
Senator Coburn, M.D.
As you know, CAIR was named as an unindicted co-conspirator
of the Holy Land Foundation for Relief and Development in
United States v. Holy Land Foundation et al. (Cr. No. 3:04-
240-P (N.D.TX.). During that trial, evidence was introduced
that demonstrated a relationship among CAIR, individual CAIR
founders (including its current President Emeritus and its
Executive Director) and the Palestine Committee. Evidence was
also introduced that demonstrated a relationship between the
Palestine Committee and HAMAS, which was designated as a
terrorist organization in 1995. In light of that evidence,
the FBI suspended all formal contacts between CAIR and the
FBI.
The FBI's decision to suspend formal contacts was not
intended to reflect a wholesale judgment of the organization
and its entire membership. Nevertheless, until we can resolve
whether there continues to be a connection between CAIR or
its executives and HAMAS, the FBI does not view CAIR as an
appropriate liaison partner. It is important to note,
however, that although the FBI has suspended all formal
outreach activities with CAIR at this time, CAIR, its
officers, and members have been encouraged to report any hate
crime, violation of federal civil rights or suspicious
activity to the FBI.
The FBI made its own decision vis-a-vis outreach activities
with this particular group. Any questions regarding broader
executive branch outreach activities would be better answered
by the Administration.
Please do not hesitate to contact my office if we may be of
additional assistance.
Sincerely yours,
Richard C. Powers,
Assistant Director, Office of
Congressional Affairs.
____
R 221435Z MAY 06
FM AMEMBASSY ABU DHABI
TO SECSTATE WASHDC 5272
INFO AMCONSUL DUBAI
UNCLAS ABU DHABI 002127
SENSITIVE
FOR NEA/ARP, NEA/PPD; INFO NEA/FO, R
E.O. 12958: N/A
TAGS: KISL, SOCI, PHUM, PGOV, KDEM, AE
SUBJECT: VISIT BY COUNCIL ON AMERICAN ISLAMIC RELATIONS
(CAIR) TO UAE
1.(U) On May 21, the Council on American Islamic Relations
(CAIR) paid a courtesy call on the Ambassador to discuss the
organization's issues, outreach strategies, and its visit to
the CAE. The UAE press has reported that Sheikh Hamdan bin
Rashid al-Maktoum, Deputy Ruler of Dubai and UAE Minister of
Finance and Industry, ``has endorsed a proposal to build a
property in the U.S. to serve as an endowment for CAIR.''
DCM, PAO and MEPI Regional Director also participated in the
meeting.
2.(U) The group expressed ideas about countering negative
stereotypes about Muslims in the U.S. (``Islamophobia'') and
addressing anti-Americanism in the Middle East. They
mentioned previous meetings with State Department officials,
U/S Karen Hughes and A/S David Welch, their attendance at the
Secretary's Iftar, and spoke of a possible meeting with
President Bush in the future.
3.(U) Mr. Don Myers, representing Washington, D.C. public
relations firm Hill & Knowlton, provided a short
demonstration of a PR campaign designed to support CAIR's
overall organizational objectives defined as: 1) political
empowerment of Muslims, 2) grassroots effort by CAIR to
improve community relations with non-Muslims, 3) launching of
an effective, long-term (5 year) advertising/outreach
campaign to counter negative stereotypes about Muslims.
4.(U) Members of the CAIR delegation included: Hon. Larry
Shaw, Senator (North Carolina General Assembly); Hon. Paul
Findley, Former U.S. Representative; Don Myers, Washington,
D.C. public relations firm Hill & Knowlton; Nihad Awad, CAIR
Executive Director and Co-Founder; Cary (Ibrahim) Hooper,
CAIR Communication Director and Co-Founder; Dr. Parvez Ahmed,
CAIR Board Chairman; and Dr. Nabil Sadoun, CAIR Board Member.
5.(U) CAIR delegation also paid a call earlier in the day
on Sheikh Sultan bin Muhammad al-Qassimi, Ruler of Sharjah,
which was covered in the press.
6.(U) Sheikh Ali al-Hashemi, UAE Presidential Adviser on
Islamic affairs, is hosting a reception at his house this
evening, May 22, in honor of the CAIR group; Ambassador and
PolOff to attend. Al-Hashemi also thanked the Ambassador for
receiving the CAIR delegation.
7.(SBU) Comment: CAIR Executive Director Nihad Awad told us
that while they were pleased with the results of the meeting
with Sheikh Hamdan bin Rashid, they had no concrete
information on the size of the endowment or when it might be
forthcoming. Awad also mentioned that the Bin Hamoodah Group,
a $500 million/year trading company, founded by three Emirati
brothers and representing Halliburton, IBM, FMC Corporation
and General Motors, is CAIR's main benefactor in the UAE. One
newly-rich stock trader, Talal Khoori (UAE national of
Iranian origin), is believed to have donated one million
dollars to CAIR.
Sison.
P 281502Z JUN 06
FM AMEMBASSY RIYADH
TO SECSTATE WASHDC PRIORITY 9065
INFO GULF COOPERATION COUNCIL COLLECTIVE
AMCONSUL JEDDAH
UNCLAS RIYADH 005172
SENSITIVE
E.O. 12958: N/A
TAGS: SCUL, KDEM, KISL, PGOV, PHUM, SOCI, SA
SUBJECT: VISIT BY COUNCIL ON AMERICAN ISLAMIC RELATIONS
(CAIR) TO SAUDI ARABIA
REF: ABU DHABI 2127
1.(U) Following up on a similar visit to the UAE in May
(reftel), a delegation from the U.S.-based Council on
American Islamic Relations (CAIR) visited the Kingdom of
Saudi Arabia (KSA) in June. On June 22 the group paid a
courtesy call on the Embassy to discuss the organization's
issues and outreach strategies. In the Ambassador's absence,
DCM received the group, along with the PA Counselor and
Poloff (notetaker).
2.(SBU) Prior to coming to Riyadh, the CAIR group visited
Mecca and Jeddah. Although they apparently were not received
at the highest levels of the SAG, the group assured the
Embassy that ``King Abdullah knows CAIR very well'' and
receives regular updates on the group's projects. After
recalling the success of their visit to the UAE in May, the
group predicted that they would be back in the region by fall
to visit Kuwait and Qatar. The group also mentioned that they
had been well-received in Washington by senior State
Department officials, including Secretary Rice and
Undersecretary Hughes.
3.(U) The core delegation consisted of CAIR Board Chairman
Dr. Parvez Ahmed, Executive Director Nihad Awad, and
Communications Director Cary (Ibrahim) Hooper. Accompanying
them were former U.S. Representative Paul Findley and Don
Myers, a former DoD official now with Hill and Knowlton
public relations.
4.(U) During their hour-long meeting in the Embassy, the
group presented various projects that CAIR is working on to
counter negative stereotypes about Muslims in the U.S.
(``Islamophobia''), linking their work to concern over
growing anti-Americanism in the Middle East. One of the
current CAIR projects they discussed was the presentation of
``accurate books about Islam'' to schools and libraries in
the U.S.
5.(SBU) Mr. Don Myers, representing Hill and Knowlton, gave
a short demonstration of a CAIR-funded media campaign to
support CAIR's overall information outreach effort. According
to Myers, this private campaign will emphasize both
grassroots outreach to improve American non-Muslim
understanding of Muslims and the encouragement of political
engagement by American Muslims. The multi-year broadcast and
print campaign is to be entitled ``Let the Conversation
Begin'' and is aimed at countering negative stereotypes about
Muslims within the broad American public.
6.(SBU) One admitted reason for the group's current visit
to the KSA was to solicit $50 million in governmental and
non-governmental contributions. PA Counselor noted that
private outreach activities can provide valuable support to
USG efforts to build mutual understanding overseas but
cautioned that USG Public Diplomacy (PD) funds cannot be used
or associated with efforts to target American audiences. The
delegation was interested to hear of the Embassy's PD
exchange and activities within the KSA and offered to help
support them in any appropriate way. The group did not share,
however, any details of their success or lack thereof in
fundraising within the KSA.
Oberwetter.
____
American Muslims Commend FBI for Rejection of CAIR
Thirty years have passed since the Iranian revolution and
29 years since the first Islamist murder in the U.S.--that of
`Ali Akbar Tabataba'i in a Washington, D.C., suburb. More
than seven years ago, America received a wake-up call, on
September 11, 2001, about radical Islam. However
straightforwardly evil these events, they left U.S.
authorities mostly baffled by extremism among American
Muslims.
One disturbing example of this confusion has involved the
Federal Bureau of Investigation and the Council on American-
Islamic Relations (CAIR).
Almost from CAIR'S founding in 1994, the FBI has worked
with the organization, which successfully presented itself as
the ``Muslim NAACP,'' letting CAIR train bureau personnel and
serve as a liaison to the American Muslim community. CAIR
concentrated on terror-related law enforcement such as
sensitivity in investigating extremist suspects and
allegations of profiling.
[[Page H6672]]
Now, at last, the FBI-CAIR relationship has changed.
In a letter dated March 9, 2009, FBI Assistant Director
John Miller wrote to U.S. Rep. Frank R. Wolf (R-Va)
confirming that the bureau has ``suspended any formal
engagement with Council on American-Islamic Relations (CAIR)
field offices around the country.'' He explained that this
adjustment ``comes in part as a result of evidence gathered
through FBI investigation and presented in connection with
the Holy Land Foundation trial. CAIR was listed as an
unindicted co-conspirator in that case.''
Miller referred to the Holy Land Foundation, or HLF, having
been convicted of terror financing in November 2008.
CAIR and its allies in the ``Wahhabi lobby'' reacted
aggressively to the FBI's decision to distance itself from
CAIR. Ten extremist Muslim groups announced on March 17,
2009, that they are ``considering suspending outreach
relations with the FBI'' based on vague claims that
``American mosques and Muslim groups have been targeted.''
CAIR's supporters included American Muslims for Palestine,
the Islamic Circle of North America, and the Muslim Students
Association, as well as the leading pro-Iranian Muslim
element in America, the Islamic Educational Center of Orange
County, Ca.
We, the undersigned American Muslims, have long known the
true character of CAIR and its allies. Therefore:
We observe that they denounce ``terrorism'' in general
terms but not the specific actions of Islamist groups like
Hamas or Hezbollah. They denounce violence but not the
ideologies behind it.
We observe their commitment to radical aims, their attempts
to chill free speech by calling critics of radical Islam
``Islamophobes,'' and their false, ugly accusations against
moderate American Muslims who disagree with their agenda.
We reject any claim that CAIR and its supporters are
legitimate civil liberties advocates or appropriate partners
between the U.S. government and American Muslims.
We congratulate the FBI for adopting a firmer attitude
toward CAIR, as a defense of Americans of all faiths from the
menace of radical Islam, including Muslims of all
backgrounds--Sunni, Shia, Sufi, secular, etc.
We call on the U.S. Department of Justice to affirm and
continue this decision.
We call on the entire United States government to follow
suit in rejecting relations with the Council on American-
Islamic Relations.
Dr. Kemal Silay, President, Center for Islamic Pluralism,
www.islamicpluralism.org;
Supna Zaidi, Assistant Director, Islamist Watch,
www.islamist-watch.org;
M. Zuhdi Jasser, American Islamic Forum for Democracy,
www.aifdemocracy.org;
Imaad Malik, Fellow, Center for Islamic Pluralism;
Dr. Ahmed Subhy Mansour, International Quranic Center,
www.ahl-alquran.com;
Khalim Massoud, reformislam@gmail.com;
Nawab Agha Mousvi, American Muslim Congress and Center for
Islamic Pluralism;
Kiran Sayyed, Council for Democracy and Tolerance, http://
cfdnt.com/;
Stephen Suleyman Schwartz, Executive Director, Center for
Islamic Pluralism;
Shia.Protest@yahoo.com;
Dr. Jalal Zuberi, Southern U.S. Director, Center for
Islamic Pluralism.
I plan to take the remainder of my time to explore many of these same
concerns and talk about why everything I've read, studied and observed
has led me to believe that the Bureau's decision is not only defensible
but advisable and that it ought to, in fact, inform the actions of
other public officials, policymakers and the press, many of whom
consistently--and I would argue mistakenly--look to CAIR to speak for
mainstream Muslim Americans.
Zhudi Jasser, himself a Muslim and president of the Islamic Forum for
Democracy, makes a critical distinction between ``Islam'' and
``Islamism.'' ``Islam'' is, of course, a faith which has an estimated
worldwide following of over 1 billion people. ``Islamism,'' however,
according to Mr. Jasser, is ``a coercive governmental and political
construct that seeks to impose shar'ia--Islam jurisprudence--upon
society.''
In 2007, in the publication Family Security Matters, Jasser wrote
that CAIR uses ``the protection of religion when the facts are not on
their side. They use the discourse of politics when they want to push
forth their Islamist agenda with the presumption of speaking for all
Muslims. They will delve into the political only on their own terms in
both foreign and domestic policy, but when they are on the receiving
end of political criticism, they run for cover under the guise of
victimization.'' A dispassionate look at CAIR's public posture shows
that Mr. Jasser's observations ring true.
In 1998, I authored the legislation that created the National
Commission on Terrorism. That same year, in CAIR's own words from a
press release, it ``asked Muslims to contact leaders of a House-Senate
conference committee and urge them to amend or eliminate new
legislation that would create a National Commission on Terrorism.''
This was a misguided lobbying effort at best. Fortunately, it was
unsuccessful, and the bipartisan commission was authorized to conduct
its work.
A Congressional Research Service report described the main finding of
the commission this way: ``It calls on the U.S. Government to prepare
more actively to prevent and deal with a future mass casualty,
catastrophic terrorist attack.'' Regrettably, the commission's
recommendations, sent to Congress in June 2000, were generally ignored
until after the attacks of September 11, 2001, when 3,000 people were
killed, including 30 from my congressional district.
Following the commission's public report, CAIR's executive director,
Nihad Awad, said in a June 4 press release, ``The fight against
terrorism is one that should be undertaken, but that struggle should
not be based on stereotypes, false assumptions or the political agendas
of foreign governments. If the past is any indication, all or most of
these new provisions will be used to target Muslims in this country and
worldwide. It is American Muslim groups whose fund-raising will be
restricted. It is Muslim students who will be monitored.''
Indeed, the FBI has restricted the fund-raising of some Muslim
groups, but only when those organizations have been found to be a cover
for terrorist financing, as was true most notably with the Holy Land
Foundation.
When the Holy Land Foundation was shuttered 3 months after 9/11, CAIR
warned in a December 4, 2001, press release that this was an ``unjust
and counterproductive move that can only damage America's credibility
with Muslims in this country and around the world and could create the
impression that there has been a shift from a war on terrorism to an
attack on Islam.'' This purported ``attack on Islam'' proved to be
baseless in the face of the Holy Land Foundation verdicts.
A November 25, 2008, Department of Justice press release following
the initial verdicts in the foundation case quotes Patrick Rowan,
Assistant Attorney General for National Security. He says, ``For many
years, the Holy Land Foundation used the guise of charity to raise and
funnel millions of dollars to the infrastructure of the Hamas terrorist
organization. This prosecution demonstrates our resolve to ensure that
humanitarian relief efforts are not used as a mechanism to disguise and
enable support for terrorist groups.''
As I noted earlier, CAIR was named as an unindicted coconspirator in
the Holy Land Foundation case, which makes its cautionary word about
the ``injustice'' of closing the ``charity'' suspect.
In a Federal court filing from December 2007, Federal prosecutors
described CAIR as ``having conspired with other affiliates of the
Muslim Brotherhood to support terrorists.'' The government also stated
``proof that the conspirators used deception to conceal from the
American public their connections to terrorists was introduced'' in the
Holy Land Foundation trial.
{time} 1330
In a footnote, government prosecutors pointed out: ``From its
founding by Muslim Brotherhood leaders, CAIR conspired with other
affiliates of the Muslim Brotherhood to support terrorists.''
Further, according to Senate testimony, CAIR received a $5,000
donation for the Holy Land Foundation. Initially, in written testimony
submitted September 10, 2003, to the Senate Subcommittee on Terrorism,
Technology and Homeland Security, CAIR denied that this was the case.
Specifically, Mr. Awad said claims to the contrary were ``an outright
lie. Our organization did not receive any seed money from the'' Holy
Land Foundation. But when confronted with the IRS form on which the
Holy Land Foundation disclosed the contribution, Mr. Awad changed his
position in supplemental testimony submitted to the subcommittee saying
that the amount in question was a donation like any other.
CAIR ultimately filed an amicus brief seeking removal from the list
of unindicted coconspirators in the Holy Land Foundation case. In
September of 2007, prosecutors made several arguments in favor of
maintaining CAIR
[[Page H6673]]
status, saying: ``CAIR has been identified by the government at trial
as a participant in an ongoing and ultimately unlawful conspiracy to
support a designated terrorist organization, a conspiracy from which
CAIR never withdrew.''
The Holy Land Foundation trial revealed more about CAIR than simply
its ties to that particular entity. Rather, the trial brought to light,
in the public square, the genesis of the organization. According to an
October 14, 2008, Dallas Morning News story: ``Testimony has suggested
that CAIR's founder Omar Ahmad and it's current executive director,
Nihad Awad, participated in a 1993 meeting of purported Hamas
sympathizers. Some Holy Land defendants attended the Philadelphia
meeting, bugged by the FBI.''
A day later, the Dallas Morning News reported that FBI special agent
Lara Burns testified during the Holy Land Foundation case that CAIR
``was formed in the aftermath of a 1993 meeting by Palestinian
activists in America who brainstormed ways to spread pro-Hamas messages
here without attracting too much attention.''
A Department of Justice press release issued on November 24, 2008,
when the Holy Land Foundation verdicts came down: ``The government case
included testimony that in the early 1990s, Hamas' parent organization,
the Muslim Brotherhood, planned to establish a network of organizations
in the U.S. to spread a militant Islamist message and to raise money
for Hamas. . . . HLF became the chief fundraising arm for the Palestine
Committee in the U.S. created by the Muslim Brotherhood to support
Hamas. According to a wiretap of a 1993 Palestine Committee meeting in
Philadelphia, former Holy Land Foundation President and CEO Shukri Abu
Baker spoke about playing down Hamas' ties in order to keep raising
money in the U.S. Another wiretapped phone call included Abdulrahman
Odeh, Holy Land Foundation's New Jersey representative, referring to a
suicide bombing as `a beautiful operation.' ''
According to a National Review article in the pre-CAIR days, both
Nihad Awad and Omar Ahmad were top officers in the Islamic Association
for Palestine. Former FBI counterterrorism chief Oliver ``Buck'' Revell
called Awad's former employer, the Islamic Association for Palestine,
``a front organization for Hamas that engages in propaganda for Islamic
militants.''
A September 24, 2001, L.A. Times story described the connection
between the Islamic Association of Palestine and the Holy Land
Foundation this way: ``The IAP and the Holy Land were founded and
funded by Mousa abu Marzook. . . . He's also the political leader of
the terrorist group Hamas.''
Andrew McCarthy, a formal Federal prosecutor who led the 1995
prosecution against Sheik Omar Abdel Rahman, the ``blind sheik'' who
was found guilty of planning the 1993 World Trade Center bombing, in a
National Review article notes that there are ``several persons
connected to CAIR who have been convicted of Federal felonies including
terrorism.''
McCarthy includes in the group Ghassan Elashi, one of the founding
members of CAIR's Dallas-area chapter, and also co-founder and former
chairman of the Holy Land Foundation. According to July 9, 2007, Dallas
Morning News report, Elashi was sentenced to ``nearly 7 years in prison
for doing business with a terrorist and violating export laws.'' In a
1994 forum discussion videotaped at Barry University, CAIR's Mr. Awad
said, ``I'm in support of the Hamas movement.'' CAIR has subsequently
sought to discredit his video on his Web site by saying this quote was
in response to a specific question and that Hamas was only designated a
``foreign terrorist organization,'' in January 1995 and did not commit
its first wave of suicide bombings until late 1994 after Mr. Awad made
the comment. It is noteworthy that Hamas' 1988 covenant describes
itself as ``one of the wings in the Muslim Brotherhood in Palestine''
and says that ``the day of judgment will not come about until Muslims
fight Jews and kill them.''
CAIR's defense and Mr. Awad's quote based simply on chronology is
wanting in light of Hamas' founding principles which clearly embrace
violence. As the Washington Post's Richard Cohen wrote in April of
2009: ``Read the Hamas charter. It is not some uplifting cry of a
downtrodden people seeking its freedom but a repellant anti-Semitic
screed.''
CAIR's mission statement focuses on protecting the civil rights of
Muslims in America and on improving Islam's image. But CAIR's action
under the umbrella of civil rights raises troubling questions.
In November 2006, US Airways removed six imams from a flight
following passenger reports of unusual behavior. An Investor's Business
Daily piece described the imams' action this way: ``At the gate before
boarding, they angrily cursed the U.S. Then they bowed to Mecca and
prayed `very loud' shouting `Allah Allah, Allah' according to the gate
agent and another witness. On the plane, they didn't take their
assigned seats and instead fanned out to the front, the middle, and the
rear of the plane. . . . Some ran back and forth speaking to each other
in Arabic. Adding to suspicions, most of them asked for seatbelt
extensions even though they didn't need them--or even use them.
``Following the incident, the imams and CAIR filed a lawsuit against
US Airways, the Minneapolis-St. Paul Metropolitan Airports Commission
and `John Doe' passengers,'' meaning the passengers on the plane.
Omar Mohammedi, the New York attorney who represented the imams, was
a former president for the board of directors for CAIR, New York. The
suit charged that the John Doe passengers ``may have made false reports
against plaintiffs solely with the intent to discriminate against them
on the basis of their race, religion, ethnicity and national origin.''
CAIR subsequently called on the Department of Justice to investigate
violations of civil liberties for the six religious leaders taken off
the plane.
The then-president of the Becket Fund for Religious Liberty, a
Washington, DC public interest-based law firm protecting the free
expression of all religious traditions, wrote the following letter to
CAIR regarding suit against the John Doe passengers:
``This is a first for us. We have never opposed someone else's claim
for religious discrimination but this tactic of threatening suit
against ordinary citizens is so far beyond the traditions of civil
rights litigation in the United States that we must oppose it to defend
the good name of religious liberty itself.''
It is noteworthy that the Becket Fund has successfully argued cases
for Muslims including securing a place for Muslim public school
students in Texas to pray. In March of 2007, the Arizona Republic
called the suit against ordinary citizens ``intimidation by lawsuit.''
On April 9, 2007, the San Francisco Chronicle reported that CAIR's
Ibrahim Hooper had a notably different take: ``It is wrongheaded for
observers to be suspicious of innocent behavior. Praying or asking for
a seatbelt extension--simply because a Muslim `That Muslim is wearing a
tie,' Hooper scoffed. `He can take it off and strangle someone.' ''
The U.S. Department of Transportation conducted an investigation
following the passenger complaints and found that US Airways did not
discriminate against the six imams when it removed them. In a letter to
CAIR's acting legal director, the assistant general counsel for
Aviation Enforcement and Proceedings wrote the following: ``We find the
decision to remove the imams from the aircraft was based on information
available to the captain at the time and was reasonable . . . it
appears that the captain decided to remove the imams because of
security concerns as a result of the sum of the imams' actual and
perceived behavior, not their race or ethnicity. The fact that the
captain's concerns were not borne out in hindsight does not make the
action that he took discriminatory.''
CAIR's approach in this case was not simply an inconvenience. Rather,
it had potential security implications as well. Airports nationwide
implore travelers to report suspicious activities. Signs on major
highways, bridges and tunnels throughout America do the same. New York
Metropolitan Transit Authority introduced an ad campaign which has been
adopted by municipalities around the country as part of their own anti-
terrorism campaign. The ad features the following admonition: if you
see something, say something.
[[Page H6674]]
But CAIR would have had Americans thinking, If you see something,
think twice before you say something, lest you get mired in a lawsuit.
USA Today editorialized in the days following the imams' suit and said:
``This legal tactic seems designed to intimidate passengers willing to
do exactly what authorities have requested--say something about
suspicious activity.'' The paper went on to report that ``the imams
want to know the names of an elderly couple who turned around to watch
and then made cell phone calls presumably to authorities.''
In a response to the incident at the Minneapolis Airport, Congressman
Peter King, the ranking member on the House Homeland Security
Committee, and Congressman Steve Pearce first moved to provide immunity
to those on public transportation who report suspicious activity
through a recommittal motion to the Rail and Public Transportation
Security Act of 2007, which the House overwhelmingly passed in March
2007 by a vote of 304-121.
Later in the 110th Congress, despite CAIR's public lobbying effort,
Mr. King and Senator Joe Lieberman were successful in adding a section
to the 9/11 Commission Implementation Act, Public Law 11053, which
provides legal immunity to individuals who report terrorists or
suspicious activity which they see on trains or planes to law
enforcement.
In what has become a familiar refrain, Nihad Awad, on FOX News, March
31, 2007, said that Peter King's legislative efforts were encouraging
Islamophobia. In fact, the bill language had the potential to encourage
other John Does who encounter suspicious activity to report it to
authorities.
CAIR's funding is also a source of interest. Apart from the financial
link with Holy Land Foundation, there is much that is unclear as to
whether and to what degree CAIR is receiving contributions from foreign
governments. In a March 2007 interview with the Chicago Tribune, Ahmed
Rehab, CAIR-Chicago's executive director, said, ``Neither CAIR chapters
nor the national office solicits or accepts money from any foreign
government.''
A January 2007 open letter on CAIR's Web site says they are ``proud
to receive support of every individual, whether Muslim, Christian,
Jewish, or of another faith background, who supports the mission of
promoting justice and mutual understanding as long as they are not an
official of any foreign government and there are no strings attached to
the request.''
Yet in a sensitive, but unclassified, May 2006 State Department cable
which was brought to my attention, U.S. embassy staff in Abu Dhabi
cabled that the UAE press was reporting that ``Sheikh Hamdan bin Rashid
al-Maktoum, deputy ruler of Dubai and UAE Minister of Finance and
Industry has `endorsed a proposal to build a property in the U.S. to
serve as an endowment for CAIR.'''
{time} 1345
In another sensitive, but unclassified, June 2006 State Department
cable, U.S. Embassy staff in Saudi Arabia reported the following after
meeting with a CAIR delegation. The cable said, ``One admitted reason
for the group's current visit to the KSA (Kingdom of Saudi Arabia) was
to solicit $50 million in governmental and nongovernmental
contributions.'' I submit both cables for the Record.
According to the June 2006 cable, ``The core delegation consisted of
CAIR Board Chairman Dr. Parez Ahmed, Executive Director Nihad Awad, and
Communications Director Cary (Ibrahim) Hooper.'' On an MSNBC talk show
with Tucker Carlson in September 2006, just 3 months after the trip,
Ibrahim Hooper claimed, ``To my knowledge, we don't take money from the
Government of Saudi Arabia.''
I want to make it clear that it is important to understand that
American Muslims, like all Americans, are entitled to organize,
advocate, and engage in the political process; such are the makings of
a vibrant democracy. They have taken advantage of the opportunity
America provides for every background. They are teachers, doctors,
policemen, they are mothers and fathers and neighbors.
I am reminded of a young Pakistani American who is Muslim that I had
the privilege of meeting during one of my visits to Walter Reed
Hospital. I met him when he was in the midst of his physical therapy,
therapy that was necessary because he had lost both legs while in
combat in Iraq. Despite his tremendous sacrifice, he was committed to
the hard work of rehabilitation, in part because he hoped to go back to
Iraq. He was a patriot of the sort that ought to give us pause and
ought to make us proud.
I want to be absolutely clear that concerns I have with CAIR are
specific to the organization and not to the Muslim faith. Even a
passing glance at my record in Congress should put any thought to the
contrary to rest.
In Sudan, Chechnya, China, Bosnia, and Kosovo, I have spoken out in
defense of people of the Muslim faith. I have been to Sudan five times,
including leading the first congressional delegation to Darfur, where
nearly all the victims of the genocide are Muslim.
I was the only Member of Congress to visit Chechnya during the
fighting in 1995. When I returned, I condemned the violence against the
Chechen people, most of whom were Muslim, and called for a cease-fire.
I was one of the only Members to visit Muslim men in a Serb-run
prisoner of war camp in Bosnia, where I saw evidence of a modern-day
Holocaust taking place. And very early on, I began speaking out against
the ethnic cleansing and the culture of genocide against the Bosnian
people. I spoke out in favor of lifting the arms embargo against Bosnia
so that the Muslim Bosnian Government could defend itself. I have
visited Kosovo five times, and I voted and spoke out on the floor to
approve the bombing campaign to stop the Serbian atrocities against
Muslims in Kosovo.
I was one of the first Members to raise concerns about the
persecution of Muslims in China, and continue to speak out when few
others do.
Further, I was the author of the International Religious Freedom Act
which created the U.S. Commission on International Religious Freedom as
well as the International Religious Freedom Office at the State
Department. Central to the act was the assertion that ``freedom of
religious beliefs and practices is a universal human right and
fundamental freedom.'' The legislation, and ultimately the offices it
created, strengthens the United States' advocacy on behalf of
individuals persecuted in foreign countries on account of religion,
which, of course, includes persecuted Muslims.
America is an imperfect Nation, but a great Nation, a ``shining city
on a hill'' as described by our Founders, a beacon of hope for
persecuted and oppressed people. For centuries, the ``huddled masses''
depicted in the iconic poem at the base of the Statue of Liberty have
arrived on these shores seeking a better life for themselves and their
families.
My grandparents immigrated to America from Germany. My father served
in World War II. Part of the reason he did so was that he felt a need
to show that his loyalty was to America. Even though my grandparents
were both native German speakers, when World War I broke out, my
grandmother decided from that day forward only English would be spoken
in their home.
I share this bit of personal history to illustrate that I am
sensitive to the challenges facing new immigrants, especially during
times of war. There have been instances in our Nation's history,
especially when our country has been under attack, where the civil
liberties of certain groups of people have been violated because other
people were afraid. This is inexcusable. But this is the exception, not
the rule.
Our experiment in self-governance has been marked by an unwavering
commitment to basic freedoms for all people, among them the right to
worship according to the dictates of your conscience. Many American
Muslims left countries where such freedom is unimaginable; however, in
a pluralistic society like ours, these principles are paramount. To
silence or otherwise repress people of faith is inimical to the
American way. In a public discourse, to accuse someone of religious
bigotry or intolerance is a sure way to stifle debate.
On October 4, 2008, the editorial page editor of The Columbus
Dispatch spoke to CAIR's bent toward accusation as a means of muzzling
debate. They said, ``For many years, CAIR has waged a campaign to
intimidate and silence
[[Page H6675]]
anyone who raises alarms about the dangers of Islamic extremism. CAIR's
rationale is that discussions of Islamic extremism lead to animosity
not just toward those who twist Islam into a justification for
terrorism, but toward all who practice Islam.
``CAIR's concern is understandable, but its response is
unreasonable.'' They went on to say, ``The group acts properly when it
hammers home the point that only a small number of Muslims support
religiously motivated violence, and that targeting law-abiding Muslims
is wrong. Where CAIR errs is in labeling anyone who discusses Islamic
terrorism a bigot and hatemonger, an Islamophobe, to use CAIR's
favorite slur.'' Ironically, some of CAIR's most pointed attacks have
in fact been aimed at other Muslims who dare to have differing views.
In a 2006 Philadelphia Inquirer piece, CAIR's Hooper is quoted as
saying Zuhdi Jasser, President of the American Islamic Forum for
Democracy, who has been critical of CAIR, was ``providing others with
an opportunity to advance an agenda that is hostile to the American
Muslim community.''
Given CAIR's genesis, its associations with known terrorist entities
and individuals, and its tactics--namely, attempting to discredit
anyone who dares to speak out against its organization--their cries of
victimization and accusations of religious bigotry appear disingenuous.
And given the dangerous world in which we live today, any attempt to
literally silence honest discourse about the nature of the threats
facing our country is intolerable and must be addressed.
I stand today with other elected officials who have raised questions
about CAIR. Senator Schumer describes CAIR as an organization ``which
we know has ties to terrorism.'' Democratic Senator Dick Durbin has
said that CAIR is ``unusual in its extreme rhetoric and its association
with groups that are suspect.''
Democratic Senator Barbara Boxer withdrew an award she gave to an
official at a local CAIR chapter because she ``had concerns about
statements by some CAIR officials and about claims of financial links
to terrorism.'' And other Senators, including Republicans Jon Kyl and
Tom Coburn, have voiced support for the FBI's actions in severing ties
with CAIR.
I stand today with counterterrorism experts, including Steven
Pomerantz, the FBI's former chief of counterterrorism, who has stated,
``CAIR, its leaders, and its activities effectively give aid to
international terrorist groups.''
And perhaps most importantly, I stand with thousands of American
Muslims for whom CAIR does not speak. In June, 2007, the Washington
Times published a report which analyzed CAIR's tax documents and found
that CAIR's membership has declined by 90 percent since 9/11. Zuhdi
Jasser of the American Islamic Forum for Democracy was quoted in the
article as saying, ``This is the untold story in the myth that CAIR
represents the American Muslim population. They only represent their
membership and donors.''
In 1999, the Islamic Supreme Council of America, ISCA, issued an open
letter to all Muslims after Shaykh Kabbani, Chairman of the ISCA, spoke
at a State Department open forum on Islamic extremism and subsequently
came under public attack by several organizations, including CAIR. In
the open letter, ISCA says the organizations attacking Kabbani, among
them CAIR, ``have not quoted a single statement of Shaykh Kabbani in
full or in context. Moreover, the statements were augmented with
emotionally charged words like `promoted and generalized an
allegation,' `outrageous statements,' and `Islamophobic,' thereby
thwarting his original intention and message.'' The letter goes on to
say, ``In their action alerts, CAIR has a chronic tendency to
negatively juxtapose Islam and Americans.''
Consider, too, the words of Dr. Hedieh Mirahmadi, then general
secretary of the Islamic Supreme Council of America, quoted in a 1999
ISCA press release following this same incident. She remarked, ``The
carefully orchestrated and calculated plot to intimidate Shaykh Kabbani
into retracting his statements only goes to prove the unwillingness to
tolerate differences of opinion and belief, as well as the extent to
which they would go to silence the voice of opposition.''
Or consider the testimony of Zeyno Baran, a prominent Turkish
American scholar who is presently a senior fellow at the Hudson
Institute. In July of 2008, speaking before the Senate Committee on
Homeland Security and Governmental Affairs, she stated that she
believed CAIR ``was created by the Muslim Brotherhood to influence the
U.S. Government, Congress, and NGOs, along with academic and media
groups'' and lamented that, ``despite being founded by leading
Islamists, CAIR has successfully portrayed itself as a mainstream
Muslim organization over the past 15 years and has been treated as such
by many U.S. Government officials.''
Or most recently, an April 2009 advertisement in Weekly Standard
authored by ``American Muslims,'' applauded the FBI for rejecting CAIR.
The signatories included representatives of six different
organizations, and I submit a copy of the ad for the Record. The
signatories wrote, ``We observe that they (CAIR) denounce `terrorism'
in general terms, but not the specific actions of Islamic groups like
Hamas or Hezbollah. They denounce violence, but not the ideologies
behind it.'' Further, the group acknowledged CAIR's ``attempts to chill
free speech by calling critics of radical Islam `Islamophobes.' ''
Finally, I would like to close my speech by recognizing the men and
women of the FBI and the hard work they do every day to keep this
country safe, and to restate the FBI's own words, ``Until we can
resolve whether there continues to be a connection between CAIR or its
executives and Hamas, the FBI does not view CAIR as an appropriate
liaison partner.''
I completely agree.
R 221435Z MAY 06
FM AMEMBASSY ABU DHABI
TO SECSTATE WASHDC 5272
INFO AMCONSUL DUBAI
UNCLAS ABU DHABI 002127
SENSITIVE
FOR NEA/ARP, NEA/PPD; INFO NEA/FO, R
E.O. 12958: N/A
TAGS: KISL, SOCI, PHUM, PGOV, KDEM, AE
SUBJECT: VISIT BY COUNCIL ON AMERICAN ISLAMIC RELATIONS
(CAIR) TO UAE
1.(U) On May 21, the Council on American Islamic Relations
(CAIR) paid a courtesy call on the Ambassador to discuss the
organization's issues, outreach strategies, and its visit to
the UAE. The UAE press has reported that Sheikh Hamdan bin
Rashid al-Maktoum, Deputy Ruler of Dubai and UAE Minister of
Finance and Industry, ``has endorsed a proposal to build a
property in the U.S. to serve as an endowment for CAIR.''
DCM, PAO and MEPI Regional Director also participated in the
meeting.
2.(U) The group expressed ideas about countering negative
stereotypes about Muslims in the U.S. (``Islamophobia'') and
addressing anti-Americanism in the Middle East. They
mentioned previous meetings with State Department officials,
U/S Karen Hughes and A/S David Welch, their attendance at the
Secretary's Iftar, and spoke of a possible meeting with
President Bush in the future.
3.(U) Mr. Don Myers, representing Washington, D.C. public
relations firm Hill & Knowlton, provided a short
demonstration of a PR campaign designed to support CAIR's
overall organizational objectives defined as: 1) political
empowerment of Muslims, 2) grassroots effort by CAIR to
improve community relations with non-Muslims, 3) launching of
an effective, long-term (5 year) advertising/outreach
campaign to counter negative stereotypes about Muslims.
4.(U) Members of the CAIR delegation included: Hon. Larry
Shaw, Senator (North Carolina General Assembly); Hon. Paul
Findley, Former U.S. Representative; Don Myers, Washington,
D.C. public relations firm Hill & Knowlton; Nihad Awad, CAIR
Executive Director and Co-Founder; Cary (Ibrahim) Hooper,
CAIR Communication Director and Co-Founder; Dr. Parvez Ahmed,
CAIR Board Chairman; and Dr. Nabil Sadoun, CAIR Board Member.
5.(U) CAIR delegation also paid a call earlier in the day
on Sheikh Sultan bin Muhammad al-Qassimi, Ruler of Sharjah,
which was covered in the press.
6.(U) Sheikh Ali al-Hashemi, UAE Presidential Adviser on
Islamic affairs, is hosting a reception at his house this
evening, May 22, in honor of the CAIR group; Ambassador and
PolOff to attend. Al-Hashemi also thanked the Ambassador for
receiving the CAIR delegation.
7.(SBU) Comment: CAIR Executive Director Nihad Awad told us
that while they were pleased with the results of the meeting
with Sheikh Hamdan bin Rashid, they had no concrete
information on the size of the endowment or when it might be
forthcoming. Awad also mentioned that the Bin Hamoodah Group,
a $500 million/year trading company, founded by three Emirati
brothers and representing Haliburton, IBM, FMC Corporation
[[Page H6676]]
and General Motors, is CAIR's main benefactor in the UAE. One
newly-rich stock trader, Talal Khoori (UAE national of
Iranian origin), is believed to have donated one million
dollars to CAIR.
Sison.
P 281502Z JUN 06
FM AMEMBASSY RIYADH
TO SECSTATE WASHDC PRIORITY 9065
INFO GULF COOPERATION COUNCIL COLLECTIVE
AMCONSUL JEDDAH
UNCLAS RIYADH 005172
SENSITIVE
E.O. 12958: N/A
TAGS: SCUL, KDEM, KISL, PGOV, PHUM, SOCI, SA
SUBJECT: VISIT BY COUNCIL ON AMERICAN ISLAMIC RELATIONS
(CAIR) TO SAUDI ARABIA
REF: ABU DHABI 2127
1.(U) Following up on a similar visit to the UAE in May
(reftel), a delegation from the U.S.-based Council on
American Islamic Relations (CAIR) visited the Kingdom of
Saudi Arabia (KSA) in June. On June 22 the group paid a
courtesy call on the Embassy to discuss the organization's
issues and outreach strategies. In the Ambassador's absence,
DCM received the group, along with the PA Counselor and
Poloff (notetaker).
2.(SBU) Prior to coming to Riyadh, the CAIR group visited
Mecca and Jeddah. Although they apparently were not received
at the highest levels of the SAG, the group assured the
Embassy that ``King Abdullah knows CAIR very well'' and
receives regular updates on the group's projects. After
recalling the success of their visit to the UAE in May, the
group predicted that they would be back in the region by fall
to visit Kuwait and Qatar. The group also mentioned that they
had been well-received in Washington by senior State
Department officials, including Secretary Rice and
Undersecretary Hughes.
3.(U) The core delegation consisted of CAIR Board Chairman
Dr. Parvez Ahmed, Executive Director Nihad Awad, and
Communications Director Cary (Ibrahim) Hooper. Accompanying
them were former U.S. Representative Paul Findley and Don
Myers, a former DoD official now with Hill and Knowlton
public relations.
4.(U) During their hour-long meeting in the Embassy, the
group presented various projects that CAIR is working on to
counter negative stereotypes about Muslims in the U.S.
(``Islamophobia''), linking their work to concern over
growing anti-Americanism in the Middle East. One of the
current CAIR projects they discussed was the presentation of
``accurate books about Islam'' to schools and libraries in
the U.S.
5.(SBU) Mr. Don Myers, representing Hill and Knowlton, gave
a short demonstration of a CAIR-funded media campaign to
support CAIR's overall information outreach effort. According
to Myers, this private campaign will emphasize both
grassroots outreach to improve American non-Muslim
understanding of Muslims and the encouragement of political
engagement by American Muslims. The multi-year broadcast and
print campaign is to be entitled ``Let the Conversation
Begin'' and is aimed at countering negative stereotypes about
Muslims within the broad American public.
6.(SBU) One admitted reason for the group's current visit
to the KSA was to solicit $50 million in governmental and
non-governmental contributions. PA Counselor noted that
private outreach activities can provide valuable support to
USG efforts to build mutual understanding overseas but
cautioned that USG Public Diplomacy (PD) funds cannot be used
or associated with efforts to target American audiences. The
delegation was interested to hear of the Embassy's PD
exchange and activities within the KSA and offered to help
support them in any appropriate way. The group did not share,
however, any details of their success or lack thereof in
fundraising within the KSA.
Oberwetter.
____________________
